Obtenir un ebook gratuit La nuit des prolétaires: Archives du rêve ouvrier, by Jacques Rancière
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La nuit des prolétaires: Archives du rêve ouvrier, by Jacques Rancière
Obtenir un ebook gratuit La nuit des prolétaires: Archives du rêve ouvrier, by Jacques Rancière
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Détails sur le produit
Broché: 480 pages
Editeur : Fayard/Pluriel (7 novembre 2012)
Collection : Pluriel
Langue : Français
ISBN-10: 2818502969
ISBN-13: 978-2818502969
Dimensions du produit:
11 x 2,5 x 17,8 cm
Moyenne des commentaires client :
4.5 étoiles sur 5
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160.618 en Livres (Voir les 100 premiers en Livres)
Un très grand livre trop inaperçu qui articule à sa manière le tournant de la démarxisation. Mais voilà , quand le titre annonce le mot prolétaire, tout le monde s'enfuit. Dommage.
La rigueur de la recherche historique chez Jacques Rancière s'appuie sur une problématique qu'il ne cesse d'affiner depuis qu'il s'est démarqué ( il y a maintenant longtemps!)de sa pratique philosophique héritée de son maître ALTHUSSER. Il réalise une approche revigorante et fouilléede ce qu'a été le Mouvement Ouvrier . Il ouvre ainsi de nouvelles réflexions sur ce qu'il est devenu et s'interroger sur son futur.
The Nights of Labor RevisitedJacques RancierePreface to the Hindi edition of The Nights of Labor:the workers' dream in 19th century France. Trans. AbhayDube. English Trans. Rana Dasgupta . To be published bySaraiThe Indian reader who opens this book in 2009 will nodoubt think it is a strange thing. How can thesestories of nineteenth-century French lockmakers,tailors, cobblers and typesetters be relevant to theinformation revolution, the reign of immaterialproduction or the global market? This question, itshould be said, was already present for the Frenchreader who opened this book twenty-seven years ago. Wedid not speak yet of globalization, nor of the end ofthe proletariat, of history or of utopia. Quite thecontrary: France had recently elected a combinedsocialist and communist government, which proudly laidclaim to the traditions of Marxism and of working classpolitics. And it is in this context that the bookseemed to run counter to its own time, and becamedifficult to classify. The author was a professionalphilosopher who had struck his first blows, in the1960s, by participating in the theoretical enterpriseof Louis Althusser, who wished to rebuild Marxisttheory. Now, instead of offering philosophical theses,he was telling stories about the French working classof the nineteenth century. And he offered nothing byway of Marxism - no analysis of the forms of industrialproduction, of capitalist exploitation, of socialtheories or of class struggles or worker movements. Hisworkers, moreover, were not "real" workers; they wereartisans from olden times, dreamers who dabbled inpoetry and philosophy, who got together in the eveningto found ephemeral newspapers, who became intoxicatedby socialist and communist utopias but for the mostpart avoided doing anything about them. And the bookseemed to lose itself in the aimless wanderings ofthese people, following the dreams of one, or thelittle stories others recounted in their diaries; theletters they wrote about their Sunday walks in theParis suburbs, or the everyday concerns of those whohad left for the United States to try out their dreamof fraternal communalism. What on earth were readers todo with these stories in 1980?The question is not, therefore, one of geographical ortemporal distance. This book may seem untimely in anera that proclaims the disappearance of theproletariat, but it also seemed so in the previous era,which claimed to represent the class that had beenunited by the condition of the factory and the scienceof capitalist production. Let me put it simply: thisbook is out of place in a postmodern vision for thesame reasons that it was already out of place in aclassical modernist vision. It runs counter to thebelief, shared by modernism and postmodernism alike, ina straight line of history where cracks in the path oftime are thought to be the work of time itself - theoutcome of a global temporal process that both createsand destroys forms of life, consciousness and action.This book rejects this because, despite its apparentobjectivity, such an idea of time always places ahierarchy upon beings and objects. The belief inhistorical evolution, said Walter Benjamin, legitimizesthe victors. For me, this belief legitimizes theknowledge that decrees what is important and what isnot, what makes or does not make history. It is thusthat the social sciences have declared that theselittle stories of workers taking an afternoon walk, orstraying far from the solid realities of the factoryand the organized struggle, have no historicalimportance. In doing so they confirm the social order,which has always been built on the simple idea that thevocation of workers is to work - and to struggle - goodprogressive souls add - and that they have no time tolose in wandering, writing or thinking.This book turns this idea of time on its head. In thegrand modernist narratives of the development ofproductive forces and of forms of class consciousness,this book sees a way of diverting the intimate energyof the very struggles they claim to represent, andre-attributing it to the order of time that wasstruggled against. It sees such narratives as a way ofreinforcing the power of those who believe they have amasterful, external perspective on the history in whichthey declare everyone else to be collectivelyimprisoned. This idea of imprisonment, and thisposition of mastery, had found their radical form inthe project of Louis Althusser that I had participatedin. For this project, the agents of capitalistproduction were necessarily caught in the ideologicaltraps produced by the system that held them in theirplace. That is to say that our project itself trappedthem in a perfect circle: it explained that thedominated were kept in their place by ignorance of thelaws of domination. But it also explained that theplace they were in prevented them from knowing the lawsof domination. So they were dominated because they didnot understand, and they did not understand becausethey were dominated. This meant that all the effortsthey made to struggle against their domination wereblind, trapped in the dominant ideology, and onlyintellectuals, who were capable of perceiving the logicof the circle, could pull them out of their subjection.In the France of 1968 it became abundantly clear thatthe circle of domination was held in place in fact bythis so-called science. It became clear that subjectionand revolution had no other cause than themselves andthat the science that pretended to explain subjectionand inspire revolution was in fact a part of thedominant order. It is with this lesson in mind that Iundertook in the 1970s the long period of research inthe labor archives that culminated in this book. On theway, many surprises awaited me. I set out to findprimitive revolutionary manifestos, but what I foundwas texts which demanded in refined language thatworkers be considered as equals and their argumentsresponded to with proper arguments. I went to consultthe archives of a carpenter in order to find out aboutmore about the conditions of labor; I first came upon acorrespondence from the 1830s where this worker told afriend about a Sunday in May when he had gone out withtwo friends to enjoy the sunrise over the village,spend the day discussing metaphysics in an inn, and endit trying to convert the diners at the next table totheir humanitarian social vision. Then I read documentsin which this same worker described an entire vision oflife, an unusual counter-economy which sought ways toreduce the worker's consumption of everyday goods sothat he would be more independent of the marketeconomy, and better able to fight against it. Throughthese texts, and many others, I realized that workershad never needed others to explain the secrets ofdomination to them, and that the problem they faced washaving to submit themselves, intellectually andmaterially, to the forms by which it inscribed itselfon their bodies, and imposed upon them gestures, modesof perception, attitudes and language. "Be realistic:demand the impossible!" the protestors cried in 1968.But for these workers in 1830, it was not aboutdemanding the impossible but making it happenthemselves: of appropriating the time they did nothave, either by spying opportunities in the working dayor by giving up their own night of rest to discuss orto write, to compose verses or to work outphilosophies. These hard-won bonuses of time andliberty were not marginal phenomena, they were notdiversions from the building of the worker movement andits great ideals. They were a revolution, discreet butradical nonetheless, and they made those other thingspossible. They comprised the work by which men andwomen tore themselves away from an identity forged forthem by a system of domination and affirmed themselvesas independent inhabitants of a common world, capableof all the refinements and self-denials that previouslyhad been associated only with those classes that werereleased from the daily concern of work and food.It is the necessity of acknowledging this revolutionwhich gives to this book its unusual form. The bookplunges us directly into workers' words, in all theirforms - from personal confidences and everydayanecdotes to fiction composed in diaries tophilosophical speculations and programs for the future.It does not seek to impose any differences in status,any hierarchy between description, fiction or argument.This does not arise from some fetishistic passion forthe lived. This is generally the excuse for a divisionof roles in which the people are made to speak in orderto prove that they do indeed speak the language of thepeople, which allows the poor to have the experience ofthe real and the flavour of the everyday in order tobetter reserve for itself the privilege of creativeimagination and analytical language. It is preciselythis division between the language of the people andliterary language, between the real and fiction,between the document and the argument that these"popular" texts call into question. We will never knowif their memories of childhood, their descriptions ofthe working day or their accounts of their encounterswith language are authentic. A narrative is never asimple account of facts. It is a way of constructing -or deconstructing - a lived world. The learnedphilosopher and the child of the people go about it inthe same way. In the third book of Plato's Republic,Socrates asks his interlocutors to accept an unlikelystory: if some people are philosophers and legislatorswhile others are workers, it is because the gods mixedgold into the souls of the first group and iron intothe souls of the second. This outlandish tale isnecessary in order to give consistency to a world inwhich differences in condition must be accepted asdifferences in nature. The worker narratives presentedhere are like counter-myths, narratives that blur thesedifferences in nature.This is why it was so important to me to unravel themesh of words, in which narrative, dreams, fiction andargument are all part of the same enterprise, in orderto upset the order of things that puts individuals,classes and forms of speech in their place. There is nopopular intelligence occupied by practical things, nora learned intelligence devoted to abstract thought.There is not one intelligence devoted to the real andanother devoted to fiction. It is always the sameintelligence. This is the message proclaimed in thesame historical period by Joseph Jacotot, a teacher whobroke with all tradition. While his contemporarieswanted to give the people just the instruction that wasnecessary and sufficient for them to adequately occupytheir place in society, he called them to freethemselves intellectually in order to demonstrate theequality of all intelligences (1).In the very diversity of their expression, the workerswhose stories are told in this book demonstrateprecisely this equality. In order to show thesubversive power of their work I needed to break withthe conventions of the social sciences for which thesepersonal narratives, fictional writings and essays areno more than the confused expression of a socialprocess which only they can know. I needed to removethe conventional labels from these texts ? oftestimony, or symptoms of a social reality ? and toexhibit them as writing and thought that worked towardsthe construction of an alternative social world. Thatis why this book renounces the distance of explanation.It attempts instead to weave a sensory fabric of thesetexts so that their radical energy may resonate againin our own time, and threaten the order which givescategories to times and forms of speech. And this isthe reason why our severe theorists and historiansdecided that this book was literature. The issue for mewas to recall that the arguments of philosophers andintellectuals are made of the same common fabric oflanguage and thought as the creations of writers andthese proletarian narratives.This is also why I am not afraid that this book willsuffer too much from distances of time, place andlanguage. For it does not simply tell the story of theworking class of a far-off time and place. It tells aform of experience which is not so far away from ourown. Contemporary forms of capitalism, the explosion ofthe labor market, the new precariousness of labor andthe destruction of systems of social solidarity, allcreate forms of life and experiences of work that arepossibly closer to those of these artisans than to theuniverse of hi-tech workers and the global bourgeoisiegiven over to the frenetic consumption described by somany contemporary sociologists and philosophers. In ourworld, just as in theirs, the challenge is to obstructand subvert the order of time imposed by a system ofdomination. To oppose the government of capitalist andstate elites and their experts with an intelligencethat comes from everyone and anyone.It remains for me to offer my warmest thanks to theeditors and translators who have made it possible forthe voices of these anonymous people, forgotten for solong, to speak in an Indian language, and so toencounter new voices with which they may mix and extendtheir appeal.Jacques Ranciere
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